APPENDICE

In questa sezione vengono riportati stralci di alcune interviste che ho condotto in Gran Bretagna. Tra le tante, ho scelto quelle che, più di altre, si sono dimostrate maggiormente utili ai fini di questo mio lavoro. Ho deciso di non riportare tutte le interviste per intero per evitare di cadere in peccati di ripetitività e tediosità. Gli stralci presenti in questa sezione sono gli originali (in inglese) delle stesse interviste che ho già riportato (in italiano) nell’ultimo capitolo.

PROF. NOIBI

Professore nigeriano, in pensione, di studi islamici all’università di Ibadan e oggi ricercatore e consulente di affari islamici presso l’IQRA Trust di Londra.

Con il Prof. Noibi abbiamo parlato a lungo delle cause storiche e sociali che hanno favorito l’immigrazione e lo stanziamento delle varie comunità musulmane in Gran Bretagna. Abbiamo anche parlato dei numerosi sforzi compiuti dai membri delle comunità islamiche nel tentativo di conquistarsi uno spazio adeguato all’interno della sfera pubblica britannica.

"There were clear elements of racism in the debate, linked to a perception of Britain moving out of its imperial mode. The debate had been preceded by ‘race riots’, in particular those in Notting Hill (London), and Nottingham in 1958. Over the 18 months during which policy and the legislation were discussed, there was a massive increase in immigration from all regions, particularly from the Indian subcontinent. In addition, the controls were ineffective."

"After the war, due to rapid economic growth and post-war reconstruction, there was an intense shortage of labour in Britain, as well in Europe, and the colonies became the best recruiting market. To this end Britain made attempts to attract workers from abroad, and exploited its historical links with India and Pakistan. Further, in the post-war period, due to the creation of the new independent states of Pakistan and Bangladesh, these countries were facing serious economical, social and political problems, which was a catalyst for emigration. Regarding religious background, in contrast to the Sufi oriented Arab group, the Muslims of India and Pakistan were much more influenced by religious group like the Jama’at-i-Islamiah and the Tablighi Jama’at."

"The Muslims began to take steps to emphasise their religious and cultural traditions and they built mosques and made religious instruction available for their children. However, when Britain introduced the Commonwealth Immigration Act of 1962 to put an end to its ‘open doors’ policy, many people arrived due to the threat of immigration control by the British government."

"The establishment of the Muslim position in the public sphere has co-evolved with ideologies of multiculturalism and the ‘politics of difference’ which implicitly tend to fix or stereotype cultural and communal identities. Hence, the Muslim community is often evoked in this sphere. The late 1980s and early 1990s have also been characterised by public concerns, on an international scale, with an undefined global movement called Islamic fundamentalism characterised by terrorist methods, anti-western rhetoric and anti-modern, anti-liberal sentiments. Essential notions of ‘culture’, by which all person of a particular descent are considered to have the same social relationships, behaviours and values, can give a wrong conviction that every Muslim community must in essence be of the same nature as those fundamentalists seen in North Africa or the Middle East. Muslim fundamentalists make political demands; they are the threat to western established social and political order. British Muslims make political demands. Therefore, the common-sense logic runs, British Muslims must pose a parallel fundamentalist threat. However, when one examines the kinds of demands made by British Muslim organisations, it is apparent they are for the most part only asking for an exercise of liberal rights according to wholly British procedures and standards. But because these are made by Muslims, tarred with the same brush as Middle East extremists, the demands are usually not perceived as such.

A brief review of structural considerations, facets of discrimination and potential ways forward may help to put British Muslims’ demands in perspective."

"It’s ironic that Muslim activists have tried, so far unsuccessfully, to have The Satanic Verses banned under Britain’s arcane blasphemy laws, laws that would originally have condemned them as heretical. Under Islamic law they do not have a leg to stand on: the classical jurists would tell them that they were living in Dâr al Harb. Their duty is not to uphold the honour of Islam in secular infidel courts, but to migrate to a country where the writ of the Divine law still runs."

"According to shari‘a, marriage is a sacred contract between the bridegroom and the bride, and any marriage contracted without the permission of the girl is generally invalid. Arranged marriages have a cultural basis and contribute to the preservation of Islam and to the internal harmony of a Muslim family. The family can also be a source of problems for the transmission of Islam to the next generation on account of a possible breakdown of communication between parents and children. Most of the parents come from rural areas and are not educated. It may be difficult for them to understand their children, brought up in a completely different context in Britain."

"Maybe, it is linked to the ideological demands of secularism and a desire to force cultural homogenisation. Muslims are directly encouraged to emphasise what can be more constructively termed their country of departure identity i.e. a racial and ethnic identity over an Islamic identity. Amongst other consequences, this can work to subordinate Islamic needs and interests and also to increase the level of factionalism between Muslims.

Having encouraged the questioning of racial/ethnic categories and the way in which they force a cultural identity and presume a uniformity, it is important not to disempower those who are forced to work collectively. The power of the Umma should not be underestimated despite the lack of agreement amongst Muslims on what form it should take. In Britain there are a number of key issues which concern Muslims and which they are attempting to resolve by collective action. It is evident that Muslims have interests in common but also shared experiences of exclusion. Muslims assert an Islamic identity in the face of homogenising categories such as Asian and Black.

Many Muslims are active within anti-racist groups and forums. They feel that they are forced to fight from a broader platform but many have concerns about its limitations. The identity/label ‘Muslim’ encompasses a multiplicity of identities. It is a variously interpreted way of life and a contrasted cultural and political unity/disunity of history, but also a discourse of demonization, if and when it is appropriated by the discriminator."

DR. MUHAMMAD USANAH.

Un inglese che si è convertito all’Islam 24 anni fa e che oggi è un importante dirigente del Muslim Educational Trust di Londra.

L’intervista con il Dr. Usanah è stata incentrata soprattutto sulla posizione dei convertiti britannici e sul ruolo giocato da essi nella ricerca di soddisfare i bisogni delle comunità islamiche presenti sul suolo britannico.

"The current number of English converts to Islam is estimated at around 3000-5000 and their number seems to be relatively increasing. Any accurate number would be difficult to obtain due to two facts. First, being Muslim does not require that one should register officially with a mosque or an organisation although some organisations, like the Islamic Cultural Centre in London, issue conversation certificates on application. Second, converts are scattered around the country and they do not live as a community. Most converts came to know Islam through personal contact and it plays a great role in their conversion. Many women get involved with Muslims and they turn to Islam through marrying Arabs and Pakistanis. They do not necessarily have to convert for marriage since Islamic law permits Muslim men to marry Ahl al-Kitâb (People of the Book). The proportion of men to women seems to be almost equal. A significant number of them are middle-aged people who lived through the hippie generation of the 60s and 70s. Disgusted with western materialism, they came to Islam in search of spiritual enlightenment and after their conversion some assumed influential positions within the Muslim community."

"Muslim organisations engaged local government and educational authorities with calls for halal food, and this relatively new strength of Muslim purpose was given increasing attention in newspapers. One of the key issues at stake was not the provision itself, but the fact that Islamic ritual slaughter (dhabh) was abhorred by many non-muslims, since it is often interpreted as prescribing that the animal remain conscious when its throat is slit. The most vocal opponents to Muslim calls for halal food provision consequently emerged as the rather strange bedfellows of animal rights activists, who were against the method of slaughter, and right-wing nationalists who were against accommodating seemingly alien customs of minorities. The right to engage in ritual slaughter was maintained and provision of halal food soon became standard practice in public institutions of many kinds, schools not least."

"Muslim debate about educational provisions in state schools coincided with a period in which multiculturalism gained a central place in education philosophy throughout Britain."

DR. HANS KUNDNANI.

Un dirigente della Commission for Racial Equality (CRE).

Con il Dr. Kundnani abbiamo parlato della visione che la società britannica ha delle varie comunità musulmane e degli sforzi compiuti dalla Commission for Racial Equality per garantire loro una perfetta integrazione.

"Media treatment of the Rushdie Affair created an image of a Muslim population, homogeneous in anti-modern values and dangerous in its passions, which posed a challenge both to nationalist ideologies of ‘britishness’ and to liberal notions surrounding ‘freedom’ and ‘human rights’.

"The CRE and others believe that the blasphemy law should either be extended to other faiths, or be abolished altogether. Many Muslims prefer the former option, since this, they say, would therefore remove The Satanic Verses from British bookshops."

"In recent years the rise of specifically anti-muslim forms of racism has lead to call for new or extended legislation."

Imâm SHAKER.

Imâm iraniano della moschea che si trova all’interno della Charity Organisation "Muslim Welfare House" a Londra.

L’intervista con Shaker è stata incentrata sul ruolo delle moschee e sulla partecipazione politica dei musulmani nella società britannica.

"About a quarter of mosques in Britain are recognised as buildings where valid marriages may take place. The number is not higher because traditionally the community has tended not to want to celebrate marriages in the mosque. The vast majority of Muslim marriages are performed in the offices of the Civil Registry. When a marriage is performed in the mosque, an official of the Civil Registry must be present. However, sometimes a fully valid marriage can be performed in the mosque by a Muslim official."

"There is no problem for Muslims participating in politics, we can practice Islam and we have mosques and can pray, so Muslims should vote and take an interest in what is going on around them. We have to make the politicians take notice of our needs and this they do when they want our vote.

There is no prohibition to Muslim taking part in political activity providing that it does not conflict with the basic beliefs of the faith. Religious and political activity should be separated, although Muslims have a duty to protect their faith. Muslim participation in politics is part of their duty towards the wider society."

"The more fundamentalist groups, such as Jama’at-i-Islamiah, argue that Muslims should not join western political parties. They appear to carry little influence with the many Muslims who stand as candidates in the UK’s political parties. Other groups argue for the total non-involvement of Muslims in the western political process, but these groups are rejected by the majority of the Muslim community. It is interesting to note that such groups very rarely attract members that have a knowledge of Islamic law and history; rather they rely on their appeal to disaffected middle class professionals and university students who have often trained in the western sciences and technology."

GHALIYAH Mir-Hosseini.

Insegnate iraniana presso il Centro Culturale Islamico della grande moschea di Regent’s Park a Londra.

Con la signora Hosseini abbiamo parlato principalmente del ruolo delle donne musulmane, non solo all’interno della famiglia islamica ma anche, soprattutto, della società britannica.

"In recent years Muslim women are playing an important role in the religious and educational activities in the community. They help to run some of the supplementary schools to teach the Quran and community languages. They were involved in the debate on the Rushdie Affair. They have complained about racial and religious discrimination in employment and are going into the professions, managing small businesses and participating in politics. Some of them have been elected local councillors and others appointed in advisory roles. This trend shows that, as more locally-educated Muslim women participate in the economic, social and civic life of Britain, their role and influence are likely to increase for the benefit of the Muslim community and wider society."

DR. AHMAD IRFAN.

Editore della rivista musulmana "Impact International".

L’intervista con il Dr. Irfan è stata quasi completamente incentrata sulla possibilità di partecipazione politica dei musulmani in un sistema politico non musulmano come è quello britannico.

"Though little research has been carried out nationally on the political participation of Muslims, it is apparent that in comparison with the wider British population they display a high level of activity."

"Electoral participation amongst Muslims in terms of voter registration has increased significantly in the past 15 years. Some researches suggested that less than half of the Commonwealth settlers were registered. Subsequent survey data are inconclusive but point to the increasing level of Muslim registration. However, recent survey data suggest Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi registration is still lower than that for the whites. Party membership amongst Muslims is also evidently increasing. The Labour Party in areas with a high Muslim population is supported by Muslims.

The increased level of participation amongst Muslims is a consequence of the processes of settlement, the economic security and prosperity, improved language and professional skills and the increased experience in working with the British political systems. Participation campaigns targeting Muslims have been carried out by a number of local authorities, community relation agencies and political parties."

"Muslims invoke various interpretations of Islam to justify particular political strategies. They operate both inside and beyond the liberal democratic system. It is evident that in Britain a majority of Muslim voters vote Labour but within this general alignment there are various political and cultural positioning. Muslims are not an undifferentiated group, they are not, in the language of political science, a single-issue pressure group. Their identity is more complex than this. Muslims are debating what it means to be a Muslim, what Islam means and how it should be constructed both in the West and in the rest of the world. Strong factions and sects exist both in Britain and internationally as a result of these debates."

"It is important to note how settlers living in countries with proportional representation based systems do not have the same political potential. In countries such as the Netherlands and Belgium, for example, the electoral system is less favourable to geographic minorities. In these countries settlers are allowed to stand as candidates but have little chance of being elected as votes are transferred, after the first round, to the leading candidates. Councillors represent parties, not their constituencies and there is less sense of local responsibility. The local state does not therefore present such an opportunity for settler political mobilisation. This difference has significant implications for settler political and cultural mobilisation and therefore for long term processes of integration."

"Muslims, despite real commitment to Conservative policies have been used by the party in an attempt to split the Muslim Labour vote. This exploitative policy has proved unsuccessful, though it has created antagonism amongst Muslims."

[ Indice | Introduzione | Capitolo I | Capitolo II | Capitolo III | Capitolo IV | Conclusioni | Appendice | Bibliografia ]